is not my habit to publish other texts but I found this literary gem and historical worthy of being reproduced. This text is a professor of English and know what this means: The English professional intellectual, and in the Middle Ages and the Inquisition of the PSOE, has always been characterized by political subservience and ideological correctness. Mercenaries of the pen were always lawyers and graduates of Salamanca and the sites of knowledge in the service of the Church, the Crown and the PC. Anyway, I think the text is valuable elements that set the trends of Judaism's warring past. Can We Talk? In my opinion there are many false English descending from those pigs. Explains why the attitude of many who always hostile to any vestige of Hispanic. "Picaresque? "Anticlericalism? "Liberal and Masonic Intrigue? "Anti-fascism? I do not defend the clergy but at the time was the vanguard of being English. Franco is not my cup of tea but it is more English than Zapatero. Then I say that many Jews kept the Talmud under his pillow and took refuge under the shadow of a crucifix lying (when the Inquisitor out, they laughed at the crucifixion).
SOCIAL RELATIONS AND RELIGIOUS
UNIT IN THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF MAHON (MENORCA)
the early RAUL GONZALEZ V DC
SALT
University of Salamanca
SUMMARY
The letter of Bishop Severus of Minorca tells the violent actions of the Christians against the Jews of Mahon and her conversion to Christianity (418 AD).
This work, for obvious sense Jewish, yet provides valuable information on the local Jewish community. This article deals with precisely the social composition and character of religious dependence, around
synagogue organization, was established in the Jewish community of Mahon.
The Epistle to the Bishop Severus of Minorca directs sanctissimis beatissimis ac Dominis episcopis, presbyteris, diaconibus, universae et totius orbis terrarum fraternitati and in describing the violent actions of Christians against Jews Magona, Mahon (Menorca),
and her conversion to Christianity (in the year 418), provides valuable information on community local Jewish.
the thread of events, Bishop Severo describes at first a quiet environment and a friendly coexistence between Christians and Jews who lived in the city of Mahon (Ep., 5, 1), where the latter outnumbered to them. However, the situation changed with the arrival of a fanatical priest of Jerusalem who carried the relics of martyr Stephen. Then the Christians were the impetus that had been waiting to implement what his ardent faith required them "to save this crowd (Ep., 4.4). So, under the direction of his bishop, the first Christians harassed and persecuted the Jews (Ep., 5, 1-2) and then destroyed their synagogue (Ep., 12, 12-13) and led, not without some backlash (Ep., 18, 1), conversion to Christianity of any Jewish community. Apart from the value
undoubtedly have this letter to the study of Jewish-Christian relations within a well defined anti-Jewish context, the narrative provides Severo some particularly interesting details about the organization and social relations of Jews
Mahon. As with any area of \u200b\u200bthe Diaspora, we find also here that the synagogue became the center of social and religious life of the community. In line with the archaeological remains of the Jewish places of worship, showing (for its location and influence) how the institution synagogue
an essential contribution in shaping the urban landscape of the city late antiquity), we can see that the synagogue Mahon possibly occupied a prominent place within the city itself (Ep., 12, 7-13, 3), not the basilica Christian, who was outside the walls.
Without doubt, the wealth and prosperity of some members of the Jewish community would enable the urban prevalence and role of such building. Not in vain Severo states that in the time of Christian occupation, the synagogue had, among other objects, sacred books and silver, which was returned, as noted in the bishop, the Jews themselves of praedatione ne vel nostra vel in suo quererentur outlay ipsis (Ep., 13, 13).
According to details provided by the letter of Severus, the highest dignitary of the Jewish community was a certain Theodore, Doctor of Law and pater pateron of the local synagogue, which had held all offices of the Curia and had been an advocate civitatis. In this was considered by his power, authority and character riquezas6 agenda both among Jews and among Christians themselves, was recognized, in fact, as the patronus of the town (Ep, 6, 1-3). Some researchers have assumed that the nicknames and titles adjudicated
Theodore Severo (as pater pateron, legislation sumnuis doctor or sacerdos), designated it as the archisinagogo or head of the synagogue. Traditionally, at least from the studies of E. Schürer, J. Juster, has been considering this position and meet certain specific functions within the cult
synagogue, making the person holding such office at the head and representative community official, the guardian of the faith of its members, responsible for the appointment of the readers of the Torah and the sermon in worship
meetings, etc. . However, there are real impediments to accept as surely the existence of a specific and explicit assignment of roles, especially if we find the appearance in the inscriptions of a young child with the title of hisvnagogos arc. Although this title was seen from the outside, and according to literary sources, as a function contained within the religious structure of the synagogue, there seems to be a regular basis, as highlighted T. Rajak and D. Noy, an official within the same, but, considering the intrinsic significance of the epigraphic evidence, figured prominently in the community synagogue!, sharing his benefactor and employer status with other titles, such as that of Archon.
no doubt that his influence, pre-eminent social position and the advantage of carrying a diploma from the outside, it was readily identifiable, the person who was worthy of such dignity somehow became the mediator of the community
off the surrounding society. This would, in effect, the situation would be found in Theodore. Although not explicitly distinguish it from the archisinagogo treatment, some other terms honorable and laudatory comments come to indicate their status as benefactor and patron of the community. For example, Jews and even Christians themselves, he was considered patronus (Ep, 6, 3); those stated further that the column was synagogae nostrae where they had placed all his confidence "in different places are stressed the entire populus Unz Iudaeor relied primarily on its strength and great authority.
Therefore, there is no basis for assigning, after supposedly religious aspect, the title of Theodore archisinagogo (which otherwise does not appear anywhere in the text), but we understand that this distinction only obeyed to their status as generous benefactor of the community. However, nothing could prevent one person has that dignity and at the same time, he enjoyed undisputed religious authority recognized by the other members of the synagogue. Such circumstances would be met, no doubt, in the figure of Theodore.
Thus, we find that its formal title inside the synagogue was the pater pateron (pater pat rum), Severo expression preserved in its Greek form, but romanized as would be used among the Jews themselves, who held also in the West, the Greek language in its liturgy
synagogue, even if they had adopted the Latin language daily. However, next to the term, are other distinctions that suggest, without any equivocation, that Theodore accumulated in his person the highest religious functions. According to Stern, was sumnius sacerdos perfidi populi (Ep., 11, 2) and legis doctor (Ep., 6, 2), would, in short, a wise rabbi, but as such is not mentioned in the letter of Severus. It is possible that, in this sense, there is a Talmudic scholar educated and recognized as such in the schools of Palestine by the masters of rabbinic Judaism, but a rabbi in the broadest sense, ie as exegete and setting out taught with authority the meaning of the Torah. "In different parts of the letter before us, Severus mentions and recognizes his great intellectual gifts (Ep, 6, 1), its biggest statement on the doctrine on others, peritior reliquis, and the superiority of their arguments in religious disputes with Christians, compredían which it was impossible to overcome by means of words. Such references demonstrate the fact that Theodore highlight for his wisdom and preparation in all matters relating to the exegesis of Scripture.
addition, the rabbinical title role assigned to Theodore legis doctor covered by any other source would come from the same period: Jerome used in the Chronicle (PL 29, 401 s) the same term to refer Tiberias to the Jewish sage who helped in the interpretation of certain Jewish names.
But Theodore was not the only prominent Jew. Other members of the community appear, in turn, linked to relevant public office: Ceciliano defender had recently been elected civitatis (Ep. 19, 6) and then eat readership, of senatorial rank,
had served as governor the newly created province Balearica (Ep., 24, 2). In addition, the letter mentioned in some Jewish characters that stood out for being a great owner (possessor) and for his dignity and position in the hierarchy of the synagogue, such as Galileo, Floriano, Melecio or Innocent. All of them, related by family devínculos were part of an elite "inbred" in the community that revolved around the main figure, Theodore. Some of these characters had also distinguished titles indicating their authority in the direction of synagogue worship!. On the one hand, Severo mentioned, without specifying, those old masters of the law (legis illi inveterati doctors) who came to convert to Christianity without any discussion verbal or mediate dispute over Scripture (Ep., 21, 5) and secondly, it stops some people close aTeodoro highlighting on others for their prominence and scriptural knowledge. In this sense, Ceciliano, senior man (vir honestus) and eminent (praecipuus) between the Jews and that stands out as the next in dignity after Teodoro, has, like his brother Florian, the title of pater Iudaeoratm (Ep ., 19, 8), well attested, on the other hand, in the inscriptions. A
turn Melecio and Innocent excel in the community and Severus noticed their prominence, are considered prifnarii Iudaeorum (Ep., 18, 4). Even on the second highlights the knowledge he had of Greek and Latin letters, and his assiduous meditation on the Law
certainly are members of this privileged group, headed by Theodore, who particular interest to Severo: his conversion to Christianity dictate the inevitable fate of other Jews. In this sense, the Jewish community set up, under their own laws and institutions, a sort of "micro-society" perfectly organized in the most responsible leaders came together in a minority. We can say without equivocation, that the established Jewish community, from social and religious perspective, a clear relationship of admiration and dependence on a circle Teodoro and "inbreeding" that stood close to him also for his influence, social position and their high status within the hierarchical local synagogue. Therefore, once the Jews believed that Theodore had converted to Christianity, came a great fear of the whole community (Ep., 16, 7), in fact, he admits that even in this very delicate decision, continued put enormous power over ordinary Jews. No wonder, then, that his final conversion to drag the majority of the congregation. Even his brother Melecio acknowledges that news of such an incident provoked in him a constant unrest, the conversion of Theodore would the
ultimately decisive in their decision to also embrace the Christian religion. In turn, suggests following the example Innocent Theodore, a man of more science, honor and age (Ep., 18, 12-13). Shortly after issuing the letters we see him even those Jews who were under his
dependence (plebem Suarna) to be converted as he had done, of course, they follow in their footsteps. Thus it seems clear that under the social subordination and dependence that characterized religious synagogue organization,
first conversion of the ruling elite of the synagogue was decisive in the final conversion of the rest of the Jewish community.
On the other hand, some researchers have warned that the presence of women in the events narrated by Severo had some relevant. They were, in fact, who took more effort in defending the stoning of Jewish Christians at the time they were going to the synagogue. In fact, some of them, undoubtedly the most dignity and influence within the community, particularly distinguished by its commitment to the Jewish faith, offering stiff resistance to conversion, immune to the prayers, hymns and prayers of Christians (Ep., 27, 5-6). Severus noted, in particular, three of the noblest Jewish women nobilissimae Iudaeorum feminae (Ep., 24, 1): Artemis, daughter of corees Melecio readership and wife, the wife of Inocencio and his widowed sister. The first midwife and subsidiaries considered Israel, determined to escape to a cave with a few slaves to avoid forced conversion to Christianity, the second such conversion rejected almost four days, and the third decided to embark on a ship for the same reason;. Although in the end all, one way or another, had to give up, the broad description of its stubborn resistance
reveals the high esteem they enjoyed such eminent women in the synagogue. Even the wife of Theodore exerted some influence on her husband, in fact, he admits to some concern that his wife would divorce him if in the matter of his conversion was acting without their consent (Ep., 21, 2).
It is certainly difficult to determine what position or degree of importance did these women within the Jewish community. While it is true that the biblical and rabbinic texts display a clearly misogynistic attitude, separating women from the political, the religious hierarchy and even the trades made in the Temple should, however, highlighted the fact that the "flexible environment" of the synagogues of the Diaspora, women, while maintaining a passive attitude to religious ritual, some might enjoy the occasional "consideration." The literary evidence and especially epigraphic texts mention the existence honorary degrees (most notably that of mater synagogae) assigned to certain Jewish women, enjoying some power or influence, could excel in the community for their munificence and patronage. Brooten BJ felt that these qualifications were not derived (by association) of the position or positions held by husbands or other close, but, by themselves, showed the existence of leading authorities on women in the synagogue organization. Lately
insists, however, that such women benefactors, following the parallel evidence of contemporary Christian communities, enjoyed a title that was more symbolic than real.
Although unaware of the liability assumed by these prominent Jewish women in the mosque of Mahon and although they come to consider (as in the case of epigraphic evidence) that their participation in the direction of the synagogue was more nominal or
symbolic than real, we can not ignore that occupied a place of some prominence in the community and, therefore, by virtue of its strong presence in the events narrated by Severo, could exert considerable influence within the congregation. Still, it is likely that their popularity was associated with the dignity of the characters they were related. Not surprisingly, these formed a closed group that through appropriate cohesive family relationships. The social and political control exercised by this circle of power
was noted not only in the direction of the Jewish community, but throughout the field of local and even provincial administration. In this sense, the question of defending civitatis is very significant. Severus tells us that this position was previously occupied by Theodore and, at the time that put the events narrated by him, wielded Ceciliano. Surely it should be borne in mind that a law of Honorius of 404 forbade Jews access to the militia, ie, the imperial administration and since the 409 could only perform the duties of advocates civitatum who profess the "Orthodox." While it is true that to overcome these obstacles we may assume that Theodore served this position prior to the above laws, we can not argue the same for the case of Ceciliano. Although J. Amengual i Batle has tried to overcome this inconsistency by stating that the law could not apply for 404 in the Balearic Islands, since it targeted the area of \u200b\u200bthe Prefecture of Italy, Africa and Illyricum and, in turn, the law could have had 409 only intended to prevent access of heretics to the post, it makes sense that, as already said Ed Hunt, the explanation is in the nature relations established around the local authority. According to him, in fact, in this case the people of Menorca prove to have more respect for those who, for their prominence, occupying a higher social position than to the imperial measures.
The social prestige of the leaders of the synagogue and, in general, the entire Jewish community could certainly affect the Christian community, which would be exposed to the influences of the religious practices of mosaic religious believers, some of which (like the Sabbath) mentions Severus himself. It is even possible that, given the initial atmosphere of cordial relations (Ep., 5, 1), some Christians admire and imitate such customs, as often happened elsewhere. Severe, in fact, cautions that, as if they were snakes and scorpions, the Jews attacked daily with poisoned bites the Church of Christ (Ep., 3, 6-7). Without doubt, social tension, which will eventually result in a violent flourish, determined an unusual situation. The bishop and his community must not only refute the risk of Judaizing, but also establish religious orthodoxy in Mahon. The domain of the local Jewish community was abiertamnete unsustainable from the standpoint of the law and demanded an emphatic response. Arguably the arrival of the relics of the martyr Stephen was not only the ideological reference that made possible the start of the final act of violence against Jewish hegemony
Menorca.
SOCIAL RELATIONS AND RELIGIOUS
UNIT IN THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF MAHON (MENORCA)
the early RAUL GONZALEZ V DC
SALT
University of Salamanca
SUMMARY
The letter of Bishop Severus of Minorca tells the violent actions of the Christians against the Jews of Mahon and her conversion to Christianity (418 AD).
This work, for obvious sense Jewish, yet provides valuable information on the local Jewish community. This article deals with precisely the social composition and character of religious dependence, around
synagogue organization, was established in the Jewish community of Mahon.
The Epistle to the Bishop Severus of Minorca directs sanctissimis beatissimis ac Dominis episcopis, presbyteris, diaconibus, universae et totius orbis terrarum fraternitati and in describing the violent actions of Christians against Jews Magona, Mahon (Menorca),
and her conversion to Christianity (in the year 418), provides valuable information on community local Jewish.
the thread of events, Bishop Severo describes at first a quiet environment and a friendly coexistence between Christians and Jews who lived in the city of Mahon (Ep., 5, 1), where the latter outnumbered to them. However, the situation changed with the arrival of a fanatical priest of Jerusalem who carried the relics of martyr Stephen. Then the Christians were the impetus that had been waiting to implement what his ardent faith required them "to save this crowd (Ep., 4.4). So, under the direction of his bishop, the first Christians harassed and persecuted the Jews (Ep., 5, 1-2) and then destroyed their synagogue (Ep., 12, 12-13) and led, not without some backlash (Ep., 18, 1), conversion to Christianity of any Jewish community. Apart from the value
undoubtedly have this letter to the study of Jewish-Christian relations within a well defined anti-Jewish context, the narrative provides Severo some particularly interesting details about the organization and social relations of Jews
Mahon. As with any area of \u200b\u200bthe Diaspora, we find also here that the synagogue became the center of social and religious life of the community. In line with the archaeological remains of the Jewish places of worship, showing (for its location and influence) how the institution synagogue
an essential contribution in shaping the urban landscape of the city late antiquity), we can see that the synagogue Mahon possibly occupied a prominent place within the city itself (Ep., 12, 7-13, 3), not the basilica Christian, who was outside the walls.
Without doubt, the wealth and prosperity of some members of the Jewish community would enable the urban prevalence and role of such building. Not in vain Severo states that in the time of Christian occupation, the synagogue had, among other objects, sacred books and silver, which was returned, as noted in the bishop, the Jews themselves of praedatione ne vel nostra vel in suo quererentur outlay ipsis (Ep., 13, 13).
According to details provided by the letter of Severus, the highest dignitary of the Jewish community was a certain Theodore, Doctor of Law and pater pateron of the local synagogue, which had held all offices of the Curia and had been an advocate civitatis. In this was considered by his power, authority and character riquezas6 agenda both among Jews and among Christians themselves, was recognized, in fact, as the patronus of the town (Ep, 6, 1-3). Some researchers have assumed that the nicknames and titles adjudicated
Theodore Severo (as pater pateron, legislation sumnuis doctor or sacerdos), designated it as the archisinagogo or head of the synagogue. Traditionally, at least from the studies of E. Schürer, J. Juster, has been considering this position and meet certain specific functions within the cult
synagogue, making the person holding such office at the head and representative community official, the guardian of the faith of its members, responsible for the appointment of the readers of the Torah and the sermon in worship
meetings, etc. . However, there are real impediments to accept as surely the existence of a specific and explicit assignment of roles, especially if we find the appearance in the inscriptions of a young child with the title of hisvnagogos arc. Although this title was seen from the outside, and according to literary sources, as a function contained within the religious structure of the synagogue, there seems to be a regular basis, as highlighted T. Rajak and D. Noy, an official within the same, but, considering the intrinsic significance of the epigraphic evidence, figured prominently in the community synagogue!, sharing his benefactor and employer status with other titles, such as that of Archon.
no doubt that his influence, pre-eminent social position and the advantage of carrying a diploma from the outside, it was readily identifiable, the person who was worthy of such dignity somehow became the mediator of the community
off the surrounding society. This would, in effect, the situation would be found in Theodore. Although not explicitly distinguish it from the archisinagogo treatment, some other terms honorable and laudatory comments come to indicate their status as benefactor and patron of the community. For example, Jews and even Christians themselves, he was considered patronus (Ep, 6, 3); those stated further that the column was synagogae nostrae where they had placed all his confidence "in different places are stressed the entire populus Unz Iudaeor relied primarily on its strength and great authority.
Therefore, there is no basis for assigning, after supposedly religious aspect, the title of Theodore archisinagogo (which otherwise does not appear anywhere in the text), but we understand that this distinction only obeyed to their status as generous benefactor of the community. However, nothing could prevent one person has that dignity and at the same time, he enjoyed undisputed religious authority recognized by the other members of the synagogue. Such circumstances would be met, no doubt, in the figure of Theodore.
Thus, we find that its formal title inside the synagogue was the pater pateron (pater pat rum), Severo expression preserved in its Greek form, but romanized as would be used among the Jews themselves, who held also in the West, the Greek language in its liturgy
synagogue, even if they had adopted the Latin language daily. However, next to the term, are other distinctions that suggest, without any equivocation, that Theodore accumulated in his person the highest religious functions. According to Stern, was sumnius sacerdos perfidi populi (Ep., 11, 2) and legis doctor (Ep., 6, 2), would, in short, a wise rabbi, but as such is not mentioned in the letter of Severus. It is possible that, in this sense, there is a Talmudic scholar educated and recognized as such in the schools of Palestine by the masters of rabbinic Judaism, but a rabbi in the broadest sense, ie as exegete and setting out taught with authority the meaning of the Torah. "In different parts of the letter before us, Severus mentions and recognizes his great intellectual gifts (Ep, 6, 1), its biggest statement on the doctrine on others, peritior reliquis, and the superiority of their arguments in religious disputes with Christians, compredían which it was impossible to overcome by means of words. Such references demonstrate the fact that Theodore highlight for his wisdom and preparation in all matters relating to the exegesis of Scripture.
addition, the rabbinical title role assigned to Theodore legis doctor covered by any other source would come from the same period: Jerome used in the Chronicle (PL 29, 401 s) the same term to refer Tiberias to the Jewish sage who helped in the interpretation of certain Jewish names.
But Theodore was not the only prominent Jew. Other members of the community appear, in turn, linked to relevant public office: Ceciliano defender had recently been elected civitatis (Ep. 19, 6) and then eat readership, of senatorial rank,
had served as governor the newly created province Balearica (Ep., 24, 2). In addition, the letter mentioned in some Jewish characters that stood out for being a great owner (possessor) and for his dignity and position in the hierarchy of the synagogue, such as Galileo, Floriano, Melecio or Innocent. All of them, related by family devínculos were part of an elite "inbred" in the community that revolved around the main figure, Theodore. Some of these characters had also distinguished titles indicating their authority in the direction of synagogue worship!. On the one hand, Severo mentioned, without specifying, those old masters of the law (legis illi inveterati doctors) who came to convert to Christianity without any discussion verbal or mediate dispute over Scripture (Ep., 21, 5) and secondly, it stops some people close aTeodoro highlighting on others for their prominence and scriptural knowledge. In this sense, Ceciliano, senior man (vir honestus) and eminent (praecipuus) between the Jews and that stands out as the next in dignity after Teodoro, has, like his brother Florian, the title of pater Iudaeoratm (Ep ., 19, 8), well attested, on the other hand, in the inscriptions. A
turn Melecio and Innocent excel in the community and Severus noticed their prominence, are considered prifnarii Iudaeorum (Ep., 18, 4). Even on the second highlights the knowledge he had of Greek and Latin letters, and his assiduous meditation on the Law
certainly are members of this privileged group, headed by Theodore, who particular interest to Severo: his conversion to Christianity dictate the inevitable fate of other Jews. In this sense, the Jewish community set up, under their own laws and institutions, a sort of "micro-society" perfectly organized in the most responsible leaders came together in a minority. We can say without equivocation, that the established Jewish community, from social and religious perspective, a clear relationship of admiration and dependence on a circle Teodoro and "inbreeding" that stood close to him also for his influence, social position and their high status within the hierarchical local synagogue. Therefore, once the Jews believed that Theodore had converted to Christianity, came a great fear of the whole community (Ep., 16, 7), in fact, he admits that even in this very delicate decision, continued put enormous power over ordinary Jews. No wonder, then, that his final conversion to drag the majority of the congregation. Even his brother Melecio acknowledges that news of such an incident provoked in him a constant unrest, the conversion of Theodore would the
ultimately decisive in their decision to also embrace the Christian religion. In turn, suggests following the example Innocent Theodore, a man of more science, honor and age (Ep., 18, 12-13). Shortly after issuing the letters we see him even those Jews who were under his
dependence (plebem Suarna) to be converted as he had done, of course, they follow in their footsteps. Thus it seems clear that under the social subordination and dependence that characterized religious synagogue organization,
first conversion of the ruling elite of the synagogue was decisive in the final conversion of the rest of the Jewish community.
On the other hand, some researchers have warned that the presence of women in the events narrated by Severo had some relevant. They were, in fact, who took more effort in defending the stoning of Jewish Christians at the time they were going to the synagogue. In fact, some of them, undoubtedly the most dignity and influence within the community, particularly distinguished by its commitment to the Jewish faith, offering stiff resistance to conversion, immune to the prayers, hymns and prayers of Christians (Ep., 27, 5-6). Severus noted, in particular, three of the noblest Jewish women nobilissimae Iudaeorum feminae (Ep., 24, 1): Artemis, daughter of corees Melecio readership and wife, the wife of Inocencio and his widowed sister. The first midwife and subsidiaries considered Israel, determined to escape to a cave with a few slaves to avoid forced conversion to Christianity, the second such conversion rejected almost four days, and the third decided to embark on a ship for the same reason;. Although in the end all, one way or another, had to give up, the broad description of its stubborn resistance
reveals the high esteem they enjoyed such eminent women in the synagogue. Even the wife of Theodore exerted some influence on her husband, in fact, he admits to some concern that his wife would divorce him if in the matter of his conversion was acting without their consent (Ep., 21, 2).
It is certainly difficult to determine what position or degree of importance did these women within the Jewish community. While it is true that the biblical and rabbinic texts display a clearly misogynistic attitude, separating women from the political, the religious hierarchy and even the trades made in the Temple should, however, highlighted the fact that the "flexible environment" of the synagogues of the Diaspora, women, while maintaining a passive attitude to religious ritual, some might enjoy the occasional "consideration." The literary evidence and especially epigraphic texts mention the existence honorary degrees (most notably that of mater synagogae) assigned to certain Jewish women, enjoying some power or influence, could excel in the community for their munificence and patronage. Brooten BJ felt that these qualifications were not derived (by association) of the position or positions held by husbands or other close, but, by themselves, showed the existence of leading authorities on women in the synagogue organization. Lately
insists, however, that such women benefactors, following the parallel evidence of contemporary Christian communities, enjoyed a title that was more symbolic than real.
Although unaware of the liability assumed by these prominent Jewish women in the mosque of Mahon and although they come to consider (as in the case of epigraphic evidence) that their participation in the direction of the synagogue was more nominal or
symbolic than real, we can not ignore that occupied a place of some prominence in the community and, therefore, by virtue of its strong presence in the events narrated by Severo, could exert considerable influence within the congregation. Still, it is likely that their popularity was associated with the dignity of the characters they were related. Not surprisingly, these formed a closed group that through appropriate cohesive family relationships. The social and political control exercised by this circle of power
was noted not only in the direction of the Jewish community, but throughout the field of local and even provincial administration. In this sense, the question of defending civitatis is very significant. Severus tells us that this position was previously occupied by Theodore and, at the time that put the events narrated by him, wielded Ceciliano. Surely it should be borne in mind that a law of Honorius of 404 forbade Jews access to the militia, ie, the imperial administration and since the 409 could only perform the duties of advocates civitatum who profess the "Orthodox." While it is true that to overcome these obstacles we may assume that Theodore served this position prior to the above laws, we can not argue the same for the case of Ceciliano. Although J. Amengual i Batle has tried to overcome this inconsistency by stating that the law could not apply for 404 in the Balearic Islands, since it targeted the area of \u200b\u200bthe Prefecture of Italy, Africa and Illyricum and, in turn, the law could have had 409 only intended to prevent access of heretics to the post, it makes sense that, as already said Ed Hunt, the explanation is in the nature relations established around the local authority. According to him, in fact, in this case the people of Menorca prove to have more respect for those who, for their prominence, occupying a higher social position than to the imperial measures.
The social prestige of the leaders of the synagogue and, in general, the entire Jewish community could certainly affect the Christian community, which would be exposed to the influences of the religious practices of mosaic religious believers, some of which (like the Sabbath) mentions Severus himself. It is even possible that, given the initial atmosphere of cordial relations (Ep., 5, 1), some Christians admire and imitate such customs, as often happened elsewhere. Severe, in fact, cautions that, as if they were snakes and scorpions, the Jews attacked daily with poisoned bites the Church of Christ (Ep., 3, 6-7). Without doubt, social tension, which will eventually result in a violent flourish, determined an unusual situation. The bishop and his community must not only refute the risk of Judaizing, but also establish religious orthodoxy in Mahon. The domain of the local Jewish community was abiertamnete unsustainable from the standpoint of the law and demanded an emphatic response. Arguably the arrival of the relics of the martyr Stephen was not only the ideological reference that made possible the start of the final act of violence against Jewish hegemony
Menorca.
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